Members of the Jamaica Defence Force participating in an operation. - File

The views expressed by Anthony Samuels (Letter of the Day November 4, 2008): 'Merge security units in crime strategy', certainly sow the seeds for healthy debate on the overall security challenges facing Jamaica today. More specifically, the views about the relevance of the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF) serve to remind us that there is a continuous need for the country as a whole, whether it be the Government or the taxpayers, to review or even question the relevance and credibility of the agencies of the State. After all, taxpayers have a right to demand value for money, and the Government has an obligation to ensure that the taxpayers do in fact get that value for money.

Notwithstanding, it is critical that all concerned have an informed perspective or understanding of the relevant issues.

Relevance in today's security environment

Let us understand a critical difference between the regular component of the JDF and any other Force in Jamaica. The governor-general or the Defence Board may order any unit or member of the JDF to go anywhere outside of Jamaica to be engaged in "active service against an enemy" or otherwise in the interest of Jamaica. No other member of any other Force here in Jamaica may be so ordered. This factor is an invaluable tool in the arsenal of any Government, and is invariably only applicable to their armed forces, represented by the JDF here in Jamaica.

This provides the Government with the utility to deploy the JDF, as it considers prudent, to defend Jamaica against external aggressors, to support/further its foreign policy through defence diplomacy (Haiti, Grenada, Sierra Leone) and to support CARICOM partners under the Treaty on Security Assistance among CARICOM member states. As enshrined in our mission statement, this translates to "providing military capability to deter and/or defeat threats (whether internal or external) against the Jamaican State and/or its interests". The question therefore arises as to what these threats are.

Given the opposing ideologies during the 1960s to the late 1980s, the main threats to the region at that time, many argued, lay in the potential for neighbouring states with threatening ideologies to either directly attack Jamaica or its Allies, or use insurgent means to undermine and attack from within. In this regard, Grenada readily comes to mind.

Overseas Deployments (Grenada and Haiti)

The breakdown in governance, the scant regard for human life and property, and the scope for the export of the ideology and brutality of the hard-line regime that overthrew and killed Prime Minister Maurice Bishop have often been overlooked. This event is especially relevant to Jamaica in that there were a number of prominent Jamaicans present and active in Grenada at that time, albeit that there is no evidence to suggest that they were directly involved in the atrocities which took place. The question at the time was therefore 'Grenada now, who next?' Would it be other Caribbean States, and would Grenada also be a platform for incursion into Central America? Jamaica therefore had a vested interest in arresting the situation in Grenada, as well as a humanitarian duty to assist the people of that country. The JDF's participation in the intervention forces was therefore of significant strategic importance not only to Jamaica, but to the region as a whole.

The JDF's participation in the peacekeeping efforts in Haiti in the early- to mid-1990s was somewhat similar, although the ideological issue was not a factor. However, the humanitarian and security factors were certainly more critical, especially given Haiti's proximity to Jamaica. More recent developments show that whenever the security situation in Haiti deteriorates, there is a concurrent increase in the boatloads of refugees landing in Jamaica, further challenging our already burdened economic, health and security infrastructure. In addition, we must consider the influx of criminals and the challenges that have developed vis-a-vis the guns-for-drugs trade between Jamaica and Haiti.

Current External Threats

Twenty-five years later, the international (and regional) security environment has changed. Now we are plagued by transnational criminal and terrorist organisations who ply their trades with scant regard for State sovereignty or the safety and security of the citizens therein. The threats that these organisations pose to Jamaica include:

Narcotics and weapons being smuggled into the island;

The undermining of the legitimate business environment through money laundering and the transformation of criminals into apparently legitimate businessmen;

The peddling of influence and the corruption of State officials using the proceeds of these illicit trades; and

The creation of a corrupt environment that can be manipulated by terrorist groups to create a platform for launching attacks on Western interests, whether here in Jamaica or elsewhere.

We should not forget the increased frequency, ferocity and effects of hurricanes, especially since Hurricane Gilbert in 1988. Neither should we forget the utilisation of military personnel within the essential services during periods of industrial action.

In regards to the localised or 'Internal Security' aspect of the JDF's operations, i.e. the maintenance of order in Jamaica (Defence Act, Section 5), our continued support to the Jamaica Constabulary Force is not likely to wane in the near future. In fact, the changing face of criminality in Jamaica has meant an increase in the level of support on the one hand, as well as a reshaping of the nature of support provided, not only to the Constabulary Force, but also to other agencies such as the Correctional Services.

Prime topic for debate

While this support effectively increases the overall number of bodies engaged in operations aimed at maintaining law and order, we should not be too hasty to argue for a merging of the respective Forces, otherwise we would lose the utility of a regular (military) Force that can be appropriately ordered into active duty or deployed overseas.

The maintenance of a military force, as per the JDF, should be a prime topic for debate. The right to debate the institutions of State, their relevance and indeed, their credibility is a key component of any democracy. While I have attempted to articulate some of the peculiarities that justify the maintenance of the force, we the members of the force must never lose sight of the need to remain credible. If we fail in this regard, then our relevance will rightly be questioned.

The formation of the JDF

The Defence Act (1962) speaks to: The establishment of the JDF as a military body to be overseen by the Defence Board; the JDF's mandate including:

The defence of Jamaica;

The maintenance of order in Jamaica; and

The performance of such other duties which may be defined by the Defence Board

The chairman of the Defence Board being empowered to give directions to the chief of defence staff for the operational use of the JDF commensurate with the directives of Cabinet;

The governor-general being empowered to declare units of the JDF to be on active service to engage persons and groups engaged in armed operations against the JDF or any cooperating force;

The governor-general being empowered to order the whole or any part of the JDF to be employed outside of Jamaica;

The Defence Board being empowered to order any member of the Regular (full-time) Force to proceed to any place outside Jamaica for training, duty or employment; and

Mandatory compliance on the part of all members of the regular Force who are ordered to deploy overseas whether by the governor-general or the Defence Board.